Beirut Event--Syrians in Their Neigbhourhood: A One-Day Symposium on the Syrian Refugee Crisis (13 March)

Beirut Event--Syrians in Their Neigbhourhood: A One-Day Symposium on the Syrian Refugee Crisis (13 March)

Beirut Event--Syrians in Their Neigbhourhood: A One-Day Symposium on the Syrian Refugee Crisis (13 March)

By : Jadaliyya Reports

Syrians in Their Neigbhourhood:

A One-Day Symposium on the Syrian Refugee Crisis

by the Refugee Research and Policy in the Arab World Program at the Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs (IFI) at the American University of Beirut (AUB)

13 March 2014
IFI New Building, Auditorium
AUB
Beirut, Lebanon

 

The Syrian crisis has become one of the most challenging global humanitarian catastrophes. Inside Syria the grinding conflict has resulted in horrendous loss of life as well as social and economic devastation. A third of Syria’s 22 million people are displaced, with 2.5 million people who are in distress but unable to be reached by UN agencies and NGOs. The impact of this “Syrian” crisis has reached far beyond its borders. States that border Syria and their societies have also felt the brunt of the Syrian war. Millions of registered and unregistered Syrians have crossed into Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey. The UN, the regional states and charity organizations have tried to share the responsibility for the onrush of refugees. But the crisis is grave.

Thus far, writings on the crisis have provided us with numbers – the immensity of the aggregate cost in human and financial terms – and with faces – the individual stories of those who have been displaced from their normal lives. Both the numbers and the faces are essential ways to understand what is going on in and around Syria. What is needed, to supplement these accounts, is a more structural view based on field-level research amongst Syrians who have left their country to settle across the borders. A number of scholars have been conducting field research in Lebanon, Iraq, Jordan and Turkey. They will come to the symposium and provide us with an analysis of the structural and ethnographic feature of the refugee crisis and with calibrated policy outcomes.

Numbers and faces, as well as structural features are essential as a way to represent the refugees – although all these methods suffer from the problem of how to represent refugees while maintaining their dignity and maintaining the immensity of the suffering. We will bring together some artists, writers and journalists who have grappled with the dilemma of representation of refugees – to find a mode between dignity and suffering.

Just as the Syrian conflict itself has become regional in nature, the humanitarian crisis has also become a regional one. The UN and the Arab League appointed envoys -- first Kofi Annan (2012) and then Lakhdar Brahimi (2012) -- to tend to the political side of things, although with limited success. In 2013, the UN appointed a Regional Humanitarian Coordinator, Nigel Fisher, to handle the humanitarian side of the regional crisis. The mandate for the RHC is open ended, partly as a liaison for the different agencies that are providing relief to the refugees, but also partly to be in touch with the political side as it draws plans for a political solution to the crisis. Thus far, however, there has been an insufficient exploration of the links between the political question and the humanitarian one in the context of Syria.

If nothing else draws the regional states to involve themselves in the question of a political road in Syria, self-interest might. The regional refugee crisis has created social tensions, opened up political fissures and produced economic disruption in the host countries, putting vulnerable people at further risk. There are already signs that the humanitarian crisis and the military futility in Syria might be a way of overcoming the regional political deadlock by bringing all key sides to the table. We hope that the afternoon discussion will help us move from a consideration of relief to a consideration of the political options that emerge less out of the political positions staked out and more from the humanitarian question.

In this one-day symposium we bring together experts with intimate knowledge of how the crisis is unfolding in the different countries to discuss the nature of the problem, the role of governments, local and international organizations and UN agencies, and the prospects for regional solutions.

13 March 2014
IFI New Building, Auditorium
AUB
Beirut, Lebanon

Symposium Program

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412